By Eberhard Kienle
The new historical past and politics of Egypt illuminates the tortuous and sometimes contradictory courting among liberalization and democracy in 3rd global nations. Eberhard Kienle argues that the much-vaunted reform and liberalization of Egypt’s financial system has been partial and selective, faraway from reaping rewards each person. the writer appears at how financial reform and liberalization have didn't produce a better measure of political democracy: notions of optionally available pluralism, political responsibility, fresh elections, a certainly loose press, and the containment of police powers, that have became out to be an exceptional fantasy protecting regulations on political participation and civil liberties. This booklet will shed a lot mild at the hassle among political and monetary reform confronted by means of such a lot of constructing international locations at the present time.
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Extra resources for A Grand Delusion: Democracy and Economic Reform in Egypt (Library of Modern Middle East Studies)
These principles – defined as the alliance of popular forces, social peace, national unity, belief in spiritual and religious values, protection of the socialist achievements for workers and peasants, and sovereignty of the law – were to be respected by those holding positions of responsibility in the state apparatus, the public sector and the media, as well as by candidates in elections to local councils, trade unions, professional syndicates or private voluntary associations. 4 Individuals who ‘contributed to the corruption of political life before the July revolution’ were even completely stripped of their ‘political rights’, a notion that in Egypt covers the right to vote and the right to 19 A GRAND DELUSION stand for office – including, of course, in parliamentary elections.
9 This constitution certainly referred to the guarantee of human and political rights as well as to the principle of the separation of powers as is commonly associated with the name of Montesquieu. Yet, at the same time, it limited quite substantially both the exercise of several of these rights and the actual separation 20 POLITICAL LIBERTIES AT THE END OF THE 1980S of powers. 12 These ‘basic principles of society’, which were also supposed to guide the actions of the state, included a notion of social justice inherited from the days of Arab socialism, as well as respect for the corporatist arrangements introduced in that era to ensure that ‘workers and peasants’ occupied at least half the seats of all elected assemblies.
37 When it was asked to examine the 1986 amendments, the SCC adopted a line consistent with its previous ruling. In 1990, it declared them unconstitutional, because they did not guarantee full equality between individual candidates and those on lists. 38 The regime reacted to the ruling by adopting, for the elections of 1990 and thereafter, a new electoral system entirely without lists, based on a two-round majority vote opposing individual candidates in two-member constituencies. With its second ruling, the court not only disassociated the right of Egyptians to stand for office from their membership in political parties, but also, by so doing stopped the regime from preventing people standing who could not find a political home in any of the parties it was ready to legalize.
A Grand Delusion: Democracy and Economic Reform in Egypt (Library of Modern Middle East Studies) by Eberhard Kienle